The EBRD is a bank that has nothing to do with development and everything to do with colonialism

Here some important words about the work of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development: While structural adjustment and market liberalisation were hugely beneficial for foreign corporations and wealthy Egyptians (in 2008 Egypt was named the top reformer in the World Bank’s Doing Business survey), it devastated Egypt's economy and induced outrageous social symptoms. The phenomenon of street children, for instance, began during the Mubarak era - children living on the streets, working at shining shoes, collecting garbage, begging, cleaning, parking cars, selling food, and highly vulnerable to being forced into a string of illicit activities. Western development banks are now lining up to re-enter Egypt or in the case of the EBRD, to enter Egypt and other north African countries in a highly ambitious extension of its founding mandate that saw it focusing purely on the central and eastern European states since its founding in 1991. An EBRD Technical Assessment, made public earlier this year, identifies the following operational themes to 'guide a potential engagement by the bank in Egypt': ... It's certainly easier to claim, as the bank's president Thomas Mirow regularly does, that parallels between post '89 central and eastern Europe and the Arab Spring leave the EBRD very well placed to intervene now in a different continent. Yet are there so many close parallels? ... the post-revolution mass privatisation drive that took place in eastern Europe has recently been strongly criticised by sociologists from the University of Cambridge and Harvard University. Their study - “Mass Privatization, State Capacity, and Economic Growth in Post-Communist Countries” - published in April this year claims to be the first to trace a “direct link” between the mass privatisation programs of the early 1990s and the “economic failure and corruption that followed.” ... Lawrence King, one of the study authors, commented on its release: “Rapid and extensive privatization is being promoted by some economists to resolve the current debt crisis in the West and to achieve reform in Middle Eastern and North African economies. This paper shows the most radical privatization in history failed the countries it was meant to help.” This text by Laila Iskander goes on here

these people change our world

watch and learn from worker strikes in egypt over the past months

What we in #egypt could learn from the citizens of #Homs:

taking out the security apparatus

In Egypt "Democratic" Elections are undermining protests for change

here an excerpt from my most recent article

...

There is more at stake than just these violations or the extent to which these elections have been free and fair. Permeating the 2011-2012 elections is a much broader and more significant matter that is not unique to Egypt, namely how these elections and the discourse of democracy that they have generated are being used to undermine the struggle for revolutionary change.

...

read on

Updated: Few images of military attack on Tahrir square december 17 despite media blackout

First military attack on Tahrir square by @mostafasheshtawy



Army solider strip the shirt off a female protestor beat and abuse her



if you look closely you see the attack on her and what appears to be a young boy from another angle



One of the final livestreams of the military attack on Tahrir square



all live streams shut down in attempt for media blackout

Tents before


and after the attack



the field hospital in the middle of the square reportedly had the same plight

more raw footage of blatant military violence, live fire wounds on demonstrators



main road to Tahrir square closed off with a barricade and then later with a wall



Next military clear nearby squares





and chase protesters into the upper class nieghborhood of zamalek



later in the early afternoon



This report from aljazeera english was their last



soon thereafter





In his public address, the Ganzouri reiterates a promise he made when the military generals appointed him after the most recent massacre in Tahrir square end of November

"I said and I am still reiterating that we will never confront any peaceful demonstrations with any kind of violence, even the verbal kind," he said. "I am committed to this."

after seeing these images, judge for yourself

other reports of cameras confiscated, broken, journalists harassed and threatened by phone

thank you world for believing in our "democratic transition," this is why we don't go to vote. the generals overseeing this massacre oversee our elections

the reason we held the #occupycabinet sit-in at the parliament building was to protest the illegitimacy of the appointment of x-muburak era prime minister kamal ganzouri who justified all these attacks, calling to an end to military trials of civilians, calling for the trial of those carrying out these violent crimes

in an attempt to quash any resistance to the illegitimate military that is trying to snuff out a revolutionary spirit of a people suppressed and exploited for decades

around 6pm December 17th a massive march streams into Tahrir square in memory of Sheikh Effat, one of the demonstrators the military had murdered the day before.



and all this in light of yesterdays violent attacks, arrest, torture, murder of demonstrators

that all began with the kidnap and torture of one protester called Aboudi from the #occupycabinet sit-in



more videos here

In Egypt: Preparing for elections, torturing 17 year old Sayed

"The Law is outside itself" -Giorgio Agamben

Sunday, October 30, 2011
Statement of Solidarity: Alaa Abd El Fattah Boycotts Military Trials

We, the Campaign to End the Military Trials of Civilians, condemn in the strongest possible terms the imprisonment of prominent Egyptian activist and blogger, Alaa Abd el Fattah and the unjust and illegal system of military tribunals implemented by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) since becoming rulers of Egypt on January the 28th, 2011.


Today Alaa Abd El Fattah was summoned to the Military Prosecutor's office, accused of assaulting military personnel, stealing and destroying military weaponry and inciting violence against the military in the events of 9 October at Maspero. On questioning, Abd El Fattah declined to answer the prosecutor’s questions, stating that it is illegal and a clear conflict of interest for the military, as a party accused of a crime in the same events, to hold proceedings or adjudicate fairly. He was sent to detention pending further military investigation.

As of today we refuse to co-operate with the military prosecution of civilians and we call on all Egyptian citizens to stand with us.

At least 12,000 Egyptian civilians have been subjected to summary, covert military trials. The accused are often denied counsel, the opportunity to review evidence or examine witnesses; there are limited avenues of appeal. Eighteen death sentences have been handed down so far.

Abd El Fattah's targeting is only the latest example of the systematic targeting of journalists, media figures, bloggers and activists by SCAF.

Abd El Fattah is being held responsible for violence on October 9th, the night when the Army killed at least 28 peaceful protesters and injured several hundred more. Several respected human rights organisation have attested to this.

Furthermore, it is perverse that Mina Daniel is listed as the first name on the Military Prosecutor's list of the accused. Mina Daniel was killed by military gunfire on October 9th.


Abd El Fattah is now being held for fifteen days in prison by a body which has no legal authority to do so. The fifteen days can be renewed indefinitely. Twenty eight more people are in jail against the background of the same event. Mina Daniel and others have already paid with their lives.

We demand that Alaa Abd El Fattah be freed immediately, that military trials of civilians be stopped and all those sentenced thus far be released or, at least, retried before civilian courts. We support all of those who similarly refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the military prosecution.

This is not the new Egypt we have fought and died for.


For more information please visit Tahrir Diaries or contact us at nomiltrials@gmail.com

and some moving images:

Workers of the Ideal Factory go on Strike

one of the best videos on Egyptian workers I have seen in a long time by Dina Abdalla @indtvblog

The trial outside the court المحاكمة برة المحكمة

ده مش الموضوع
this is not the issue



ده الموضوع
this is the issue

ام خالد- ام شهيد ثورة ٢٥ يناير
Om Khaled- the mother of a martyr of January 25 revolution


ام محمود- ام شهيد ٢٥ يناير
Om Mahmoud- the mother of a martyr of January 25 revolution


ابو محمد- اب شهيد ٢٥ يناير
Abu Mohamed- the father of a martyr of January 25 revolution


مصطفى مرسي، اب شهيد ثورة ٢٥ يناير
Mostafa Morsy- the father of a martyr of January 25 revolution


ابو موحاب، اب شهيد ثورة ٢٥ يناير
Abu Mohab- the father of a martyr of January 25 revolution


تارق، اخ شهيد ثورة ٢٥ يناير
Tariq- the brother of a martyr of January 25 revolution

Tahrir August 1st: Masquerading a Lost Legitimacy

At 2:16 in this clip you hear a crowd chanting, “al-geish wal shae'b, eed wahda” or “the army and people are one hand, united.” This is the absurd anthem that has rung throughout Cairo since military forces were deployed on Egypt's streets on January 28th. There is certainly a fetish among wide portions of the Egyptian public with the male machismo of the military, hence the cheering on of green mannequins’ phallic clasp of the gun facing the “dirty” demonstrators.

Read On

هو صندوق النقد الدولي بيعمل ايه في مصر؟

ايه هو صندوق النقد الدولي؟


حكومة أحمد نظيف و سياسات صندوق النقد الدولي


إيه علاقة سياسات صندوق النقد الدولي بثورة 25 يناير؟


ايه هدف صندوق النقد من تقديم القروض لمصر بعد ثورة ٢٥؟


هل يوجد بدائل لقرض صندوق النقد الدولي؟

pity the nation دولة تثير الشفقة

p.s. watch it full screen in hd

"The food crisis is the greatest demonstration of the historical failure of the capitalist model”
-Hugo Chavez

Since the late 70s the Egyptian government has started the country on a course to economic liberalization. This entails the rolling back of the government's responsibilities across all public sectors, the lowering of import tariffs and an increased drive for exports. One of the sectors hardest hit by these policies is Egyptian agriculture. Due to liberalization of land laws that the government implemented in 1999, land rent prices have gone through the roof as they are now determined by the "market" rather than fixed agreements between landowners and small farmers working the land. Prior to the introduction of this new law, the state played a role in protecting small farmers from landlessness. For generations families inhabiting and working small land plots had a certain right to the land they worked. Up until 1999, if landowners wanted to move farmers from their land and use the land otherwise, they had to pay the families half the land's value. When the Egyptian authorities implemented this new land law nearly one million farmers became landless and largely left their farming practices completely. Furthermore, government subsidies with the aim of supporting agricultural production by small farmers has nearly disappeared forcing small farmers to compete with an increasing number of agri-businesses in Egypt. The government is keen on increasing exports to their northern trade partners to gain profits in foreign currency. This has meant that the government sells arable desert land to entrepreneurs at extremely low prices, while going so far as to provide subsidies per exported ton on certain produce. These policies are jeopardizing the very existence of small farmers in Egypt while tying Egyptian food prices to international markets and decreasing the possibility for Egypt to maintain food self-sufficiency. 

In "Pity The Nation" we will meet traditional farmer, Hagg Desouki, in the village of Ghnama in Egypt's nile delta. We will hear from Hagg Desouki why he has changed the types of crops he once planted and how his farming practices have changed due to the Egyptian government's change in agricultural policies. We will follow Hagg Desouki as he picks his crop of green peppers and transports them to the local vegetable market for sale on local Egyptian markets. Certain vegetables are disappearing from these markets while prices according to government statistics have increased 45% in the past year. In contrast we will visit Dina Farms one of Egypt's foremost agri-businesses located on Egypt's intensely watered Western Sahara. At Dina Farms we will see the technology-intense and labor sparse ten thousand acre farm, which is a central player in the Egyptian authorities new agenda for export driven food industry. At Dina Farms Executive Tamer Hassan will explain the logic behind the farm's drive to export and its aim in industrializing farming. The water acquifers currently watering this agri-business will soon run out. A World Bank project intends to re-route water from the nile to the dry desert lands. Meanwhile, in the delta water for Egypt's small farmers is already insufficient. Guiding us through these drastic changes in Egypt's agricultural landscape will be Dr Habib Ayeb, an expert on sociological effects of changing agricultural policies in the region.   

If the Egyptian authorities' agricultural policies continue on their current course, food prices will continue to skyrocket, making life increasingly difficult for millions of Egypt's poor. Meanwhile, the likes of Hagg Desouki will eventually disappear from their land like hundreds of thousands of farmers already have in Egypt. An uprising in the industrial town of Mahalla al-Kobra in the summer of 2008 and the most recent uprising in Egypt are direct consequences of the food policies we encounter in "Pity The Nation."

the military and the people

forgive me for my silence.

I posted an article that ended like this 15 February:

"But as the Supreme Military Council seeks to re-impose "stability" by, for example, banning labour strikes, Egyptians must be alert to the alarm bells that are ringing. The military, which has played its hand with great care throughout the protests - winning the trust and respect of many of the demonstrators - receives an annual $1.3bn in aid from the US, the same country that has been pushing the implementation of the economic model that has been so damaging to Egyptians.

The demonstrators must not now be fooled into believing that overthrowing the face of a corrupt and repressive regime is sufficient. They must prevent the military from propping up an economic order that only benefits the few and can be maintained only through iron-fisted rule."

my position has not changed one bit since, this eye witness account of a military attack on demonstrators in tarhri square Friday night comfirms:



follow my links on the ongoing Egyptian intifada here

There is a strange silence in the air today...

it has finally sunk in that the egyptian military are not on the side of the people. egyptians are up against a military apparatus that is maintaining the status quo "system," by doing so we are confronting a global neo-liberal regime whereby the egyptian government would follow the instructions of the powerful: protect Israel, obey IMF and World Bank economic policies, maintain the egyptian working class as a sweat shop to allow for the comfort of our richer neighbors here and elsewhere.

This battle is far from over.

Laila El-Haddad: the Impact of Egypt's Uprising on Palestinians

The effects of Privatization أثر الخصخصة

view the rest of the set

read more of the story by Yassin Gaber

Mahalla workers strike for higher minimum wages and independent union

10 days later: Mubarak's Downfall رحيل مبارك

via @benthanaa

Egypt: some links

Though a couple weeks old, one of the best articles i have read on Egypt is by Nomi Prins: The Egyptian Uprising Is a Direct Response to Ruthless Global Capitalism

She writes,

"Citizens protesting in the streets from Greece to England, and more demonstrably, from Tunisia to Egypt, may be revolting for national reasons and against individual governments, but they share a common bond. They are revolting against a world that lines the pockets of rich deal-makers while sticking the tab to ordinary people. That bond is global."

Also worth reading are two articles focusing on the role of the military:

Nathan Brown's The Struggle to Define the Egyptian Revolution | The Middle East Channel

and Egypt’s army looks beyond Mubarak by Yezid Sayegh written before Mubarak's downfall but with good insight

Adam Hanieh, Egypt's Uprising

always worth reading: Adam Hanieh on Egypt's Uprising

neoliberalism has produced rapid growth rates but, simultaneously, it has led to worsening living standards for the majority of the population and the increased concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny minority (literally just a handful of families).
...
The highest ranks of Egypt's military should properly be considered as part of the capitalist class with significant economic interests that overlap with the state and private sector. Precisely because of the military's central role in sustaining U.S. power regionally, and its own stake in the reproduction of Egyptian capitalism, any belief that the Egyptian military is 'part of the people' or 'neutral and above politics' is a very dangerous illusion"